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Secularism: Long lost in translation, what else is left there to abandon?

A symbolic representation of secularism and constitutional debates in Bangladesh, featuring a weathered legal book labeled 'Constitution.' The image embodies justice, neutrality, and coexistence, reflecting the interplay between constitutional principles and religious harmony.

by Shanta Halder

“Regulation, obviously enough is the consequence of gregariousness; for we can not live together without common rules. What is important is that the rules made should embody an experience I can follow and, in general, accept” Laski, Harold J., A Grammar of Politics.

The framing of a constitution is not necessarily a matter subject to the adventurist debates of a few scholars. Post 5th August, every law must be forged on the anvil of the spirit of July uprising. Therefore, the verybasis of the amended constitution should be the newly freed mind of the populace and both these words are best dealt with, respectively, in philosophy and politics.

The present constitution conveniently translates secularism into Bengali as neutrality in treatment of religions, which is specific and unambiguous, though not necessarily an erudite or accurate rendition. If read in alliance with the Bengali translation, the spirit of article 12 can be understood, and that is fair enough.  The void that departure of the word ”secularism” leaves can’t be easily filled. The broader and all too benign ambit of the abstract American import ”pluralism” fails to address the specific issue of neutrality in the treatment of religions. It can’t be said that the phenomena of deprivation of the rights of the religious minorities, who practise these religions, are not present. The average Bangladeshi religious minority person traces the very basis of his rights at the principle of secularism, particularly, in its Bengali rendition.

Shanta Halder

This very word, since at least 1972, has also been centrally validating the constitutional claim of belonging of the religious minorities. Sense of belonging is important. Only that sense can foster one’s love for something. And that includes the motherland. Gone as it seems, if is the word now, how exhaustively far down of the same old motherland and language will those already overwhelmed people dig to find another equal ally amongst the words that formulaically enlivens their state of being?

”Regulation, obviously enough is the consequence of gregariousness; for
we can not live together without common rules. What is important is
that the rules made should embody an experience I can follow and, in
general, accept” Laski, Harold J., A Grammar of Politics

However progressive the views of the commission, wholesale repeal of ”secularism” [art. 12(a)] will only precipitate the descent of communal mist that limits vision. This, in fact will be an unremarkable event in the great voyage of history of our country. The great July movement was not waged to repeal the neutrality in treatment of different religions and this recommendation, in fact, starkly contradicts and negates the fundamental spirit of the July uprising. The members of the constitution reform commission, of course, I am a direct student of at least two of them, must entertain no fantasy of imported correctness regarding the particularly inglorious nature of the recommendation, given their limited prior public engagement. This risks Dr. Yunus and his interim government being read as centre-right, which essentially, he or his government, is not.

History, if the rationalist allows its passage unchecked, degenerates.
So, why this new opposition to the word that has long been with us? Opposition to it has arisen in the public mind in the sense that secularism is tantamount to atheism. However, the present constitution doesn’t enshrine that definition in either version. Secularism has to be retained in the sense of neutrality in the treatment of religions. The latter sense just stated doesn’t suffer opposition. The commission should have noticed that opposition in recent years to the word has surfaced because, to some extent, of the Shahbagh movement. Shahbagh movement was not of or about religious minority persons. Why then, in response to the Shahbagh movement, waged largely by university students, are we to divest the religious minority person of his very constitutional basis? Secularism, for the minority village farmer is not about atheism. For him, it is more about statutory neutrality in the treatment of religions.

Had this been the case that the word secularism contains elements not particularly in focus, a different expression like ”neutrality of the state in the treatment of religions”, or a more consolidated one, as a principle, could have been suggested.  It seems, ”pluralism”, being a principle of the constitution, will be subject to the interpretation of the higher courts in future and anything subject to interpretation is ambiguous. Interpretations change over time and a significant number of the population can’t be left at the mercy of interpretations. A political question can’t be allowed to be solved by the court.

Sans specific and unambiguous constitutional recognition of equality in treatment of different religions, the mind of the religious minority person remains in an atmosphere of contingent frustration, to quote Laski again, which, will impede his growth, be it political, intellectual or professional, despite the state being a welfare one. He becomes a diminished person, a great sufferer of history.

How, then, this sense of being diminished can be reconciled with the sublime spirit of freedom promised by the July uprising?

I wish, the professors knew art!

The writer is a former student of law at University of Dhaka 

Disclaimer: This story is auto-generated from news feeds. It has not been edited by Minority Watch staff. Please click this SOURCE LINK that deserves the credit.

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