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Exodus: Is the Hindu Community Leaving Sindh?

Cover image of a study report by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), titled “Exodus: Is the Hindu Community Leaving Sindh?”

Note: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) published [on January 23, 2025] a study titled “Exodus: Is the Hindu Community Leaving Sindh?” The Minority Watch is presenting the full report here in Word format. 

A study report

by

Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP)

Acknowledgements

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) is very grateful to Zia-ur-Rehman for researching and writing this document. We would like to thank Feroza Batool and Aisha Ayub for managing the production of this study; Irfan Khan, Farah Zia and Maheen Pracha for reviewing and editing it; and Rida Fazal for designing the cover and layout. We would also like to thank all those who took the time to speak to HRCP as part of this fact-finding study.

Contents

  1. Introduction
  2. Hindus in Sindh: A snapshot
  3. Has there been a Hindu exodus from Sindh?
  4. Conditions promoting current migration
  5. Understanding the emigration pattern 16 Conclusion and recommendations

 

Introduction

The Hindu community’s migration from Pakistan’s Sindh province to India and other destinations has become a recurrent theme in media reports, in the discussions of civil society and minority rights groups, and even on the floor of the Parliament. However, a more nuanced understanding of this phenomenon is necessary, taking into account not only faith-based discrimination and violence, but also security threats and economic hardship. Commissioned by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), this study examines the multifaceted factors driving the out-migration of Hindus. It explores the deteriorating law and order situation, religiously motivated violence and the erosion of sociocultural norms in Sindh. It also underscores the unique vulnerabilities that Hindu women face, which are often overlooked in such discourse. By unpacking these complexities, the study sheds light on contemporary migration patterns among the Hindu community in Sindh, looking at factors influencing their decision to migrate and offering valuable insights for policymakers and human rights advocates.

Hindus in Sindh: A snapshot

As per the 2023 census, Pakistan’s population is 240.5 million, of which 96.4 percent are Muslim. Hindus are the largest religious minority in Pakistan, with a population of 5.2 million, followed by 3.3 million Christians. The Hindu community is officially classified into two categories: Hindu Jati, comprising 1.6 percent of the population, and Scheduled Castes, accounting for 0.6 percent. However, human rights activists contest the accuracy of these figures, particularly regarding the Scheduled Caste Hindu community. They argue that the actual number is likely underreported, as the latter face discrimination from both the Muslim majority and caste Hindus. Sindh has the highest concentration of Hindus in Pakistan at 8.8 percent of the province’s population. Despite this, they face significant socioeconomic and caste discrimination within the province. Caste Hindus engage primarily in trade and are concentrated in urban districts such as Jacobabad, Shikarpur, Ghotki, and Kashmore. They generally enjoy higher living standards and literacy rates than their Scheduled Caste counterparts. Scheduled Caste Hindus live predominantly in the rural areas of Tharparkar, Umerkot and Mirpurkhas. They often work as haris [agricultural labourers] and are vulnerable to exploitation in the form of bonded labour despite its official prohibition since 1992. Human rights activists report exploitation by landlords, trapping these vulnerable Hindus in cycles of debt and harsh working conditions.

Has there been a Hindu exodus from Sindh?

Reports of Hindu migration from Sindh—particularly northern Sindh—to various destinations, notably India, have become a persistent concern for human rights advocates and civil society groups. A Hindu parliamentarian disclosed on the floor of Pakistan’s parliament in 2014 that around 5,000 Hindus migrate to India annually due to security concerns. These migrations are often driven by the deteriorating law and order situation in Sindh. According to a recent press report, more than 300 Hindus from Kashmore district have migrated to India due to lawlessness and fears of kidnapping by bandits. Despite such alarming reports, government responses typically downplay the issue, framing it as a ‘conspiracy’ against Pakistan rather than addressing the underlying causes. This response reflects a broader sense of denial. Field research and interviews with Hindu community elders and members for this study confirm that Hindus have been migrating from Pakistan, with many relocating to India. This trend is not new. However, determining the exact number or scale of this migration is challenging because of the sensitive nature of migration, which often leads to underreporting or the intentional concealment of information. Hindu community leaders from various districts in Sindh recognize that migration to India is not a recent development. Several historical events have significantly influenced this ongoing movement. One of the pivotal moments cited by these leaders is the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, India, on 6 December 1992. This incident provoked widespread anti-Hindu violence in Pakistan, with attacks on Hindu temples and places of worship by the Muslim population. This surge of violence in response to events in India became a catalyst, intensifying the trend of Pakistani Hindus emigrating to India. A leader from a northern Sindh district elaborates: ‘The Babri Masjid incident was a turning point. It led to a wave of attacks on our places of worship, making many in our community feel unsafe and prompting a surge in migration.’ However, the roots of migration extend further back. A significant, though less well-known, catalysing event occurred in 1986 when as many as 34 convicted prisoners, some of them infamous for kidnapping Hindu traders for ransom in northern Sindh, escaped from Sukkur Jail. ‘The jailbreak created a climate of fear among the Hindu traders. The incidents of kidnappings for ransom forced many to emigrate to India as their only safe option,’ said a Hindu trader in Ghotki.

Conditions promoting current migration

Field research findings reveal a multitude of reasons behind the migration of Hindus from Sindh. Safety concerns are a primary driver. Although large-scale incidents of violence have become less frequent, the persistent fear of kidnapping for ransom and targeted attacks continues to haunt the Hindu community. Community leaders highlighted that while their religious identity makes them vulnerable, their economic status also plays a significant role in attracting criminal elements.

Persistent fear and insecurity

Effective law enforcement remains severely compromised in Sindh, especially its northern regions. In 2023, an HRCP fact-finding report observed that northern Sindh was riddled with organized crime, militant violence, poor governance, and entrenched feudal power structures. The report highlighted significant shortcomings in the police, judicial, and revenue systems, presenting formidable challenges to maintaining law and order. Tribal feuds further destabilize the region, paralysing socioeconomic development and creating a perilous environment for all residents, particularly for the Hindu minority.

Kidnapping for ransom

Kidnapping for ransom is rampant in northern Sindh, and extortion is commonplace. This dire law and order situation presents a grim reality for the Hindu community. ‘Hindus feel frightened and insecure due to the rise in kidnappings for ransom by dacoits operating from the Katcha [riverine] areas’ was a recurring concern in interviews with Hindu community leaders and rights activists in northern Sindh. Interviews reveal that the Hindu community is often targeted for its economic standing. In districts such as Ghotki, Jacobabad and Kashmore, the upper-caste Hindu community dominates trade, markets and transportation. They are also significant landowners, making them prime targets for criminal activities. Although religious violence is significant, it is not the sole motivator for the crimes they face. ‘Hindus are not targeted solely because of their beliefs but because of their wealth and business interests,’ explained a Hindu Panchayat leader. Violence and crime against the Hindu community peaked in 2014. A subsequent law enforcement crackdown against dacoits in the Katcha area temporarily reduced kidnappings and general crime in the northern districts. However, in recent years, kidnappings for ransom by bandits have surged again, the community leader argued. A Hindu doctor from Jacobabad shared his experience: ‘We avoid going outside the main cities after evening due to fears of kidnapping. The bandits have precise information about our wealth, businesses, and family members.’

One notable incident occurred in January this year when Retak Kumar, a Hindu trader from Mirpur Mathelo in Ghotki, was kidnapped by bandits. While the Ghotki police claimed Kumar was rescued after 44 days, community leaders disclosed that his family had paid a substantial ransom for his release. In September 2023, dacoits from the Katcha area kidnapped three Hindu community members, including a nine-year-old, from Kashmore, and held them for several days for ransom. ‘In many cases, kidnappings for ransom are not reported in the media. Often, Hindu community leaders negotiate through local tribal chieftains to secure the release of their loved ones, typically paying ransoms ranging from PKR5 million to PKR10 million,’ said a community elder.

The role of tribal chieftains

These kidnappings and ransom demands highlight the systemic issues faced by the Hindu community in northern Sindh. The failure of law enforcement to provide adequate protection leaves them vulnerable to exploitation by criminal gangs. Their relative wealth and the lack of government protection make them easy targets for bandits and tribal chieftains. The prevailing feudal system exacerbates their plight, often leaving the Hindu community with little recourse. Tribal chieftains wield significant power, frequently influencing law enforcement and judicial processes. This entrenched power dynamic forces many Hindus to seek protection through alternative means. To safeguard themselves and their families, many Hindus align with powerful tribal and influential leaders, involving them as business partners. However, these silent partners do not invest financially but receive a significant share—typically between 20 and 30 percent—of the profits. Their names are prominently displayed in mills, shops, transport companies, and other enterprises to deter bandit activity. A Hindu businessman elaborated: ‘We set aside a certain amount as the share for the tribal chieftains in our businesses and pay their share at the end of the year. We also display their names on our businesses to protect ourselves from the dacoits. This strategy has been successful in ensuring our safety.’ This desperate strategy underscores the deep-seated insecurity and lack of faith in official law enforcement channels. The fear and uncertainty extend beyond northern Sindh, spilling over into cities like Sukkur, Karachi, and Hyderabad.

Fear from backlash related to India

The Hindu community in Sindh faces increasing anxiety, particularly in response to events connected to India. In 2023, an incident involving Seema Haider, a Pakistani woman from Sindh who travelled to India to marry a Hindu man, triggered a wave of threats and violence that deeply unsettled the Hindu community in northern Sindh. Following her departure, bandits from northern Sindh threatened to attack Hindu temples in retaliation, causing widespread panic among the local Hindu population. Media reports indicate that dacoits in Kashmore and Ghotki districts allegedly took several Hindu community members hostage, including women and children. This alarming situation drew attention in the provincial assembly when members were informed that a rocket had been fired at a temple in the Ghauspur area of Kashmore. Fortunately, the rocket did not explode, and no casualties were reported, but the incident intensified the community’s fear and insecurity. These anxieties were heightened when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi consecrated a temple in Ayodhya in 2024 on a disputed site previously occupied by the Babri mosque. A Pakistani Hindu politician remarked, ‘Incidents linked with India always cause panic among the Hindu community, even though they have nothing to do with India and are Pakistani citizens.’

The wave of terrorism

While not directly targeted, the Hindu minority in northern Sindh has felt a growing sense of insecurity during the wave of terrorism from 2013 to 2017. This period saw a surge in suicide attacks by a local militant group led by Hafeez Pandrani, linked to transnational groups such as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and later the Islamic State. These incidents, including suicide bombings at Shia shrines as well as attacks on a Barelvi spiritual leader and a Shia politician, spread fear among religious minorities. Illustrating the climate of fear, a Hindu Panchayat leader recounted, ‘The wave of terrorism in those four years terrorized the Hindu community. Police constantly advised us to heighten security at our places of worship in Jacobabad, Shikarpur, and other areas due to the threat of suicide attacks by local Taliban groups.’ The 2019 killing of Pandrani by law enforcement agencies brought a halt to the violence, offering a measure of relief. However, the scars remained. Facing continued unease, some Hindu families migrated to major Pakistani cities such as Karachi and Hyderabad, while others crossed the border to India.

Religiously motivated violence

HRCP and other rights bodies have regularly highlighted the precarious situation of religious minorities in northern Sindh, particularly the Hindu community. Despite public claims of social cohesion, these minorities face continuous threats due to institutionalized discrimination, arbitrary blasphemy accusations, and forced conversions. However, most respondents contend that there is no organized campaign targeting Hindus and other minorities in the region. Nonetheless, the environment of fear and suspicion remains a significant concern.

Blasphemy accusations-linked violence

Blasphemy accusations are a major source of distress for religious minorities in northern Sindh. Often unfounded and driven by personal vendettas, such allegations can swiftly escalate into mob violence. Ghotki district has been a focal point for such tensions, with several high-profile cases emerging in recent years. One notable incident occurred in September 2019 when a Hindu teacher, Notan Lal, was accused of blasphemy. This accusation led to widespread unrest, with a mob vandalising a school owned by a Hindu resident and a nearby temple. Police were notably absent in preventing the violence. Lal was detained and jailed, but in March 2024, the Sindh High Court released him, citing insufficient evidence to support the charges. This was not an isolated event. In 2016, the town of Mirpur Mathelo in Ghotki experienced a violent outbreak following alleged desecration of the Quran by a Hindu boy. The ensuing mob rampage resulted in the death of one Hindu man and severe injuries to another, with extensive damage to Hindu-owned businesses. The climate of fear is further illustrated by a Ghotki-based university student who recounted the October 2022 lynching of a mentally disabled Muslim boy over blasphemy allegations. The student noted, ‘Imagine the peril Hindus face in such a volatile environment. All it takes is a rumour.’ This pervasive fear drives Hindu parents to isolate their children from Muslim peers and strangers, hoping to shield them from potential violence. In the face of blasphemy accusations, some Hindus choose to leave Sindh altogether. A Hindu Panchayat leader in Ghotki revealed that two community members had fled to India after being accused of blasphemy. Initially believed to have relocated to Karachi, it was later discovered that they had settled in Indore, India. ‘They left quietly because they knew they would never be safe here after the blasphemy allegations against them,’ the leader explained.

Fear and vulnerability for Hindu women

Hindu women in Sindh face constant threats of harassment, kidnapping and forced conversion, significantly impacting their lives. This pervasive fear often forces families to withdraw daughters from school and relocate to safer areas. To enhance security, many Hindu families live in close-knit communal compounds, which provide protection and solidarity but also highlight their isolation, driven by fear. The migration of Hindu families from rural areas such as Ghotki to larger cities or abroad reflects this anxiety. Scheduled Caste Hindu women are especially vulnerable, given their lower socioeconomic status and limited social mobility, exacerbating their plight. Some respondents said that harassment was forcing Hindu families to migrate to India. An activist from Panu Aqil recounted, ‘At a wedding, a tribal chieftain’s son inappropriately touched a Hindu bride, causing deep humiliation. Unable to retaliate, the family quietly moved to India within three months.’

Forced conversions and coerced marriages

Forced conversions and coerced marriages are a persistent issue in Sindh, with Ghotki emerging as an epicentre. Numerous high-profile cases, such as that of Rinkle Kumari in 2012, have emerged from this region over the years, highlighting the systemic nature of the problem.

A 2019 HRCP fact-finding report titled Forced conversions in Ghotki? documents the anxieties of the Hindu community in detail. Central to these allegations is Mian Abdul Haq, popularly known as ‘Mian Mithu’, a local politician and Muslim cleric. Mian Mithu stands accused of leveraging his influence to facilitate the forced conversions and marriages of underage Hindu girls. His seminary, Dargah Bharchundi Shareef in Daharki, Ghotki, is frequently cited as a key location where such abductions and conversions allegedly take place. While Mian Mithu maintains that these conversions and marriages are voluntary, this claim is vehemently contested by Hindu community leaders. They argue that the girls, often minors, are too young to make such life-altering decisions and are pressured or manipulated into conversion. The complete absence of similar cases involving Hindu boys casts further doubt on the legitimacy of these conversions. The Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act 2013 sets the legal marriage age at 18, but enforcement remains weak. Perpetrators exploit loopholes by marrying girls off in Punjab, where the legal age is 16. The case of Reena and Raveena exemplifies this, where despite their families’ pleas, the court ruled in favour of their Muslim husbands. Some respondents suggest that the families of converted girls refuse to take them back due to the associated stigma and potential repercussions. However, some Hindu leaders suggest a recent decline in conversion cases, attributing it to pressure from civil society and Hindu groups on Mian Mithu and his associates.

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